From Tahini to Sabra to Sweet Potato: The Appropriation of Hummus in Israel and the United States

A paper I wrote for a college class, republished here for your edutainment.

“Preparing, displaying and consuming food are activities that satisfy more than a visceral craving, and are methods of communication, by way of food.”

- Zaina B. Ghandour (2013)

Hummus originated and is considered a staple food in the areas which we now refer to as Egypt, Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq, although it is now consumed all over the world. In its cultures of origin, hummus is made with the essential ingredients of chickpeas (referred to as hummus in Arabic), tahini (a paste made from sesame seeds), olive oil, lemon juice, and salt. There are many variations due to proportions, other spices, ingredients, and toppings. My own family’s recipe consists of hummus, tahini, olive oil, lemon juice, salt, cumin, cayenne pepper, garlic, yoghurt, and we generally top it with whole chickpeas, olive oil, parsley, and paprika. One of the reasons hummus is so popular is the protein it provides, especially within the context of food scarcity and poverty where meat is not readily available (Gvion, 2006). As I have done in this introduction, I intend to employ Standpoint Theory throughout this paper and situate myself as a Palestinian and white multiethnic woman living in diaspora in the United States.

This paper will focus on two main genres of folklore: foodways and jokes. While drawing on elements of feminist theory, history, and academic literature on hummus, I will also incorporate social media as it relates to the transmission of recipes for hummus and discussions about its making and consumption. As a Palestinian woman experiencing marginalization at the hands of two settler-colonial states, my situated knowledge of hummus, the sociopolitical realities surrounding it, and discussions among Palestinians via social media (including myself) about both topics is highly relevant. I argue that, through its preparation and consumption, many parallels can be drawn between hummus and the sociopolitical realities facing Palestinians living directly under a settler-colonialist state (Israel and the land it occupies) and in diaspora in another settler-colonialist state (the United States). Because histories can be written and rewritten through food, food can reveal systems of exploitation and violence enacted on a group of people (Gvion, 2012).

Appropriation as a Tool of Settler-Colonialism

In 2012, Ben Lang, an Israeli American, started what he called “International Hummus Day”. In his words “the idea was to create viral projects that could promote Israel in different ways” (Schoenfein, 2015). Naming hummus as an “Israeli” dish is a blatant act of erasure and whitewashing, as well as a settler-colonialist tool to delegitimize the oral histories and situated knowledges of the indigenous population it is marginalizing, in this case Palestinians. Appropriating hummus as Israeli is only one part of a concerted effort to erase Palestinian culture and particularly material culture (Hirsch, 2011; Ranta & Mendel, 2014). It is also part of an attempt to create a homogenous and global Israeli/Jewish culture, which can only be done through appropriation (Ghandour, 2013; Hirsch, 2011; Ranta & Mendel, 2014). Other foods, such as falafel, have also been appropriated, along with the traditional kufiyyah (a checkered scarf), and more recently cross-stitch embroidery in women’s clothing in the U.S. I focus on hummus because of its widespread popularity and recognition throughout both Israel and the US — few people would have never heard of the dish.

The forced separation between hummus and its Palestinian identity can be analyzed as the genocide and colonization of Palestinians and their land on a micro-level. Just as hummus has been stripped of its Palestinian identity, Palestinians have been stripped of their Palestinian identity, through rigorous erasure using various forms of media and Western hierarchy of knowledge that places documented evidence on a higher platform than situated knowledges and oral histories. Foodways cannot be separated from the sociopolitical contexts in which they exist. Because the relationship between Israel and Palestinians is an unequal one built on exploitation and violence, there can be no reciprocal sharing of foodways (Ghandour, 2013). Through food, histories can be written and reconstructed (Gvion, 2012). As such, the methods of preparing, presenting, and consuming hummus when performed and transmitted by Israelis who also profit from such appropriation, is an act of violence.

The Reciprocal Relationship Between Industry and Social Media

Hummus has been popularized in the US as a result of a reciprocal relationship between a Zionist-driven industry, social media, and a Western culture marked by its fascination with the Other, and particularly the Oriental Other. The European/Western/American/White fascination and obsession with hummus can be characterized both by hooks’ “Eating the Other” (1999) and Said’s (1979) critique of Western Orientalism. The marginalization of people in the Middle East and North Africa through war and colonization by white people has operated in concert with a romanticization and fetishization of the “Orient”, including its people, dress, dances, traditions, and foods. This dichotomy can be illustrated through the words of one informant who stated that, to Israelis, “all [Palestinians] are good for is hummus and kebobs. All the rest is disgusting and not worth even trying.” (Gvion, 2006).

A quick search of the word “hummus” on Twitter reveals a vibrant white American culture around its consumption and commodification. Many tweets reference Sabra hummus in particular. Other tweets link to recipes of foods masquerading as hummus — something that can be found across social media platforms, and most notoriously through Pinterest. Someone unfamiliar with hummus might come to the conclusion that anything vaguely paste-like in which various things can be dipped can be termed “hummus” based on these recipes which are virulently popular. Some particularly notorious examples include edamame hummus (Heller, 2015), chocolate dessert hummus (Lund, 2014), avocado hummus taquitos (Amanda, 2015), peanut butter hummus (Make the Best of Everything, 2014), and pumpkin pie hummus (Peanut Butter and Peppers, 2014). Throughout social media platforms, hummus is alternately acknowledged as Arab, referred to as Israeli — as a result of a conscious effort to present it as the Israeli national dish to the world at large (Hirsch, 2012) — ,or completely disconnected from its cultural context.

Sabra hummus is an apt example of the commodification of hummus by a Zionist-driven industry. The brand’s website shows a wide range of types and flavors of hummus to appease the palates of white Americans who freely participate in the appropriation and commodification of the Other. The “flavors” of hummus marketed by Sabra, arguably the most popular brand of hummus in the US, feed and feed off of the obsession with “improving” hummus on social media platforms. Additionally, one of the two companies that own the brand, the Strauss group, has been an active, financial supporter of the Israeli Defense Force, and a particular segment of it which is notorious for its violence (Hanley, 2011). As a result of its complicity in violent settler-colonialism, Sabra has been a direct target of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions campaigns in major US cities and on college campuses (Hanley, 2011).

Food as a Site of Resistance

In the words of Ghandour (2013) “the need to acknowledge, safeguard and celebrate Palestinian culture… is part of the struggle for meaningful political change.” Palestinians in diaspora and their allies have done just that using social media as a primary tool of resistance. With over one million views on YouTube, “All About That Paste” (GoRemy, 2014), a parody of the song “All About That Bass”, pokes fun at the appropriation and industrialization of hummus from the perspective of an Arab American. The song and video use satire to reassert the “Arabness” of hummus and create a distinction between “real” Arab hummus and “white people hummus.” The video uses humor and song to discuss the ingredients hummus is “supposed to” have, such as tahini, chickpeas, and olive oil and the “correct” way to eat the food (GoRemy, 2014). The video serves multiple functions: to explain the traditional modes of making and consuming hummus, to draw attention to the sociopolitical realities of its appropriation, to resist said appropriation by gaining a rhetorical upper hand, and to provide a humorous release for Arabs for whom hummus is a staple and traditional food.

Many Palestinians in diaspora have taken to other social media platforms, mainly Twitter, to resist the narrative that hummus is anything but Arab and Palestinian. The majority do this by employing humor to distinguish between “real” hummus and appropriated hummus, much like GoRemy’s parody. In response to pictures of hummus appropriated and distorted in a variety of ways, one user commented “TEN MILLION ARAB GRANDMAS CRY OUT IN UNISON.” (Ahmed, 2014). Another says “I should make a hummus drink. White people would love that shit.” (J, 2015). These two tweets’ intended audiences are primarily other Palestinians, Arabs, and people already aware of the appropriation and its implications. A few others take an approach directly addressing the appropriators such as the following: “you hate on us arabs yet you love hummus and shawarma you smoke hooka and get tattoos in arabic lol ok” (., 2015). In this particular tweet, the commenter criticizes the appropriators using logic that parallels hooks’ “Eating the Other”, though in a much more rudimentary fashion. It is also important to note that these people are employing social media to resist appropriation and erasure, which is the same tool used by people in the US and Israel to enact and perpetuate said appropriation and erasure (regardless of intentionality).

Within Israel, Palestinians employ other methods of resistance using hummus. Food and hunger can be used both as tools of oppression as well as tools of empowerment and resistance to oppression, as in the example of “cuisines of poverty” which intertwine with survival, culture, and identity (Gvion, 2006). A very large percentage of Palestinians in historical Palestine live under the poverty line, and most of the resistance centers on claiming hummus as Palestinian through regularly making it, consuming it, and in some cases selling it. This focus on hummus “sustains ethnic knowledge, reinforces the status of Palestinians as a minority, and simultaneously serves as a means of resisting power relations” (Gvion, 2006, p.301). Making and eating hummus, along with other Palestinian foods, functions as a way to limit reliance on Israeli markets and to intentionally separate from the dominating culture (Gvion, 2006). Food, and specifically hummus, also functions to distinguish Palestinians in Israel from Jewish Israelis (Gvion, 2012).

Conclusion

In conclusion, hummus is a food native to specific areas in the MENA region which has been appropriated in Israel and the U.S. as a tool of Israeli settler-colonialism and oppression. This appropriation has been fueled by a reciprocal relationship between a Zionist-driven hummus industry, social media, and a white culture that “eats the Other” as an essential part of its culture. In response to this appropriation, Palestinians in Palestine and Israel, Palestinians in diaspora, and their allies have developed unique tools of resistance both by using the tools used against them and withdrawing from and directly attacking the systems that oppress them.

References

. [saintsovl]. (2015, April 18). you hate on us arabs yet you love hummus and shawarma you smoke hooka and get tattoos in arabic lol ok [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/saintsovl/status/589375119719432192

Ahmed, S. [saladinahmed]. (2014, December 25). TEN MILLION ARAB GRANDMAS CRY OUT IN UNISON. RT @roqchams Y’all need to stop. This is getting more and more offensive pic.twitter.com/1bGWvXeOny [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/saladinahmed/status/548345399413837824

Amanda {The Wholesome Dish}. (2015, March 21). Avocado hummus taquitos are tortillas with hummus, sliced avocado, and shredded cheese rolled into small tubes; and baked until crunchy. #healthy #recipes #vegetarian [Pin]. Retrieved from https://www.pinterest.com/pin/168603579776386198/

Ghandour, Z. (2013). Falafel King: Culinary customs and national narratives in Palestine (I). Feminist Legal Studies, 21(3), 281–301.

GoRemy. (2014, November 26). All about that paste [Video file]. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/cLGUFaizAHs

Gvion, L. (2006). Cuisines of poverty as means of empowerment: Arab food in Israel. Agriculture and Human Values, 23, 299–312.

Gvion, L. (2012). Beyond hummus and falafel: Social and political aspects of Palestinian food in Israel. Berkley, CA: University of California Press.

Hanley, D. C. (2011). Students campaign to boycott Israeli aggression. Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, 30(1), 58.

Heller, B. [BccalyRD]. (2015, April 25). #Homemade #edamame #hummus dip #recipe! -steamed edamame, sesame oil, miso paste, fresh squeezed lemon https://pbs.twimg.com/media/CDeU0wBUsAAd6kv.jpg [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/BccalyRD/status/592105523350269952

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hooks, b. (1999). Eating the other: Desire and resistance. In b. hooks, Black looks: Race and representation (21–39). Boston, MA: South End Press.

J. [Jmalee]. (2015, April 25). I should make a hummus drink. White people would love that shit. [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/Jmaleee/status/592062515502252032

LoraTheExplorer [LoraHelou]. (2015, April 25). #Saturday, when hummus is a meal. [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/LoraHelou/status/592041993976553473

Lund, S [Sam Lund]. (2014). Chocolate Hummus Fruit Dip (almonds, dates, chickpeas, cocoa powder, maple syrup, vanilla, milk) [Pin]. Retrieved from https://www.pinterest.com/pin/523473156660275262/

[Make the Best of Everything]. (2014). Peanut Butter Hummus with Apple Slices. Kid Approved Healthy Snack! [Pin]. Retrieved from https://www.pinterest.com/pin/195273333818636124/

[Peanut Butter and Peppers]. (2014). Pumpkin Pie Hummus — A sweet, healthy, vegan, gluten-free dip made with pumpkin, maple syrup and spices. It taste just like pumpkin pie!! [Pin]. Retrieved from https://www.pinterest.com/pin/251075747949668009/

Ranta, R., & Mendel, Y. (2014). Consuming Palestine: Palestine and Palestinians in Israeli food culture. Ethnicities, 14(3), 412–435.

Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. New York, NY: Vintage Books.

Schoenfein, L. (2015). It’s international hummus day!. Jewish Daily Forward. Retrieved from http://forward.com/food/308121/its-international-hummus-day/